Unlike other recent presidents, Macron began to transform France. So far, so good. It eased the job market, facilitating hiring and firing, helping to reduce unemployment from 10 percent to 7.4 percent, the lowest level since 2008, and close to the 7 percent target that seemed unlikely when set in 2017. Reduce by half many class sizes in primary schools in poorer areas. And because, psychologically, he travels alone, without friends or even friends, he was free to take over the political class. His “policy ethics” law has really reduced corruption. Among other things, he stopped politicians from hiring relatives or spending cash leaflets as they chose. However, almost no one talks about their reforms in France. From the 2018 yellow vest uprising to the current cost of living shock, Macron has been a crisis manager. Management of Covid-19 seemed impossible in France, the most skeptical about vaccines out of 140 countries in the Gallup-Wellcome survey of 2018. But Macron gambled by introducing a “health pass”, which made vaccination mandatory for anyone who wanted it. to enter a restaurant, train or many public places. It worked: France’s 78 percent vaccination rate exceeds that of Germany and Britain, and the +6 percent over-mortality rate during the pandemic exceeds all of its neighbors except Germany. Macron still intends to transform France, but also Europe. More than other democratic leaders, a French president has room for thought in the long run. Ever since Charles de Gaulle wrote the job description in the constitution for himself in 1958, the president has faced few controls and balances other than union strikes. This is especially true for Macron: he controls parliament through the party he created as his personal vehicle. Since he needs some sleep, has no children and can leave day-to-day affairs to his prime minister, he is unusually free to think big. Like it or not, he is a serious leader. His predecessors wasted time hitting empty poses: President Nicolas Sarkozy attacked the burqa, which was worn by 0.04 percent of French Muslims, and François Hollande promised a 75 percent tax (which was soon declared unconstitutional) on the very over 1 million euros. Next door, Boris Johnson plays with symbols: blue passports and “wars” over statues and fish. Macron often fails, but generally while chasing a very big game. He believes that his superpower fascinates the elderly and has unsuccessfully released it to Trump and now to Putin. His vision for Europe has long been fantastic: more common spending across the EU and more autonomous European defense efforts. But now the pandemic and the war are creating a macro-Europe. For his second term, he is still aiming high: he plans to raise the retirement age in France from 62 to 65, because his fellow citizens now live to 82 and France spends too much on pensions. The bouncing little former banker, the smartest boy in the class, who won the French system from adolescence, inevitably causes hatred. Voters suspect, rather rightly, that he despises them. Marin Lepen can still defeat him, even though her (quickly shredded) election leaflets showed her proudly shaking Putin’s hand. One-third of voters who will support the far right in Sunday’s first round reject the color-blind republicanism. They hate the real existing multicultural France, fantasize about a religious civil war and want to deport immigrants, especially Muslims. Years of terrorist attacks have left a national post-traumatic stress disorder. Depressively, Macron has rarely spoken of a mixed France. In the French left, the revolutionary debate is thriving. The current flag bearer, Jean-Luc Mélenchon, supports Cuba, Venezuela and, until February, Russia – but not NATO.

However, the melting of the French anti-vaccination attitude taught me something: most French people speak more radically than they think. The lost empire of France, its revolutionary past and the slogan liberté, égalité, fraternité in every public building, encourage utopian and majestic rhetoric. Everyday reality inevitably disappoints. It is important, however, that rhetoric is not necessarily what people believe. Many French extremist voters have an aesthetic attitude instead of expressing a political position. Many of them quietly want a cleverly reformed elitist to become president. They know this has always been the case since 1945. It will probably happen again this month. But with an ever-miserable electorate and low turnout, accidents can happen. Follow Simon on Twitter @KuperSimon and email him at [email protected] Follow @FTMag on Twitter to learn about our latest stories first