Lee announced his intention to run for office after resigning Wednesday as secretary general, the city’s second-highest-ranking official, less than a year after being promoted to the post of top security official. Carrie Lahm, who holds the post, announced on Monday that she would not run for a second term. Observers say the apparent choice of Beijing Li, who as the city’s top security official oversaw the government’s strong response to the pro-democracy demonstrations in 2019 and the first year of the crackdown on national security, is a sign that the Chinese leadership the city’s government is focusing on national security above all else – including its economy and the housing crisis. John Burns, Emeritus Professor of Politics and Public Administration at the University of Hong Kong, said: be the number one priority. “
A career in discipline
Lee, 64, has spent his entire career in the disciplinary forces, joining the police as an inspector in 1977 and the government security bureau in 2012 as Undersecretary of Security. He rose to leadership in 2017. He holds a master’s degree in public policy and administration from Charles Sturt University in Australia. Ivan Choy, a professor of political science at China University in Hong Kong, said: “We know it comes from the disciplinary body. In the disciplinary force we emphasize faith, discipline and application. “And so I think we would expect that to be an important element in the future governance of Hong Kong.” During Lee’s tenure as Hong Kong’s security secretary, the city underwent drastic changes under the National Security Act, which critics say was used to imprison and silence the entire political opposition and disband society. of its citizens. Like Lam, he was one of the first officials in Hong Kong and China to be hit by US sanctions for his role in the ongoing crackdown on rights and freedoms. This strict enforcement of the national security law, observers say, is the way in which Li demonstrated his loyalty to Beijing. “He is a man of even better faith in Beijing,” Choi said of Lam. Hong Kong residents have no direct say in who will be their chief executive since the 1997 surrender. Instead, the position is chosen by a small committee of social actors called the Electoral Commission. In March last year, Beijing reviewed the city’s electoral process, expanding the commission to 1,500 members, but also tightening the criteria for candidates. The new measures included a two-stage national security check-in process to ensure that all members were loyal to the party.
Ensuring “patriotism”
Li played a key role in implementing the system, which critics say guarantees that Beijing’s nominee will win the top spot. As secretary-general, he chaired a seven-member committee tasked with scrutinizing all candidates for the electoral commission and the legislature to ensure they met the vague criteria of “patriotism.” Under the new system, the next election of Hong Kong CEO on May 8 will be elected by an election commission whose members have been audited by a committee chaired by Lee. “I must point out to you that the democratic process in Hong Kong began after China resumed its sovereignty. “No country has a monopoly on the model of democracy,” Li said in a speech as secretary-general at an online event to discuss Hong Kong issues at the UN Human Rights Council last month. Former Hong Kong executives needed to strike a balance between adhering to Beijing’s red lines and securing the city’s position as an international financial hub. Lam had described it as a “double responsibility”. Lee’s history of power and command-orientation may mean that the balance under his leadership will shift more and more to Beijing. “I think in the beginning it will definitely lean more on Beijing’s political will,” Choi said.
