Woman’s Place UK defends the rights of women based on sex, including sex services, and is partly responsible for turning support for these rights into a social movement. Campaigns like Serwotka believe that since the oppression of women has historically been based on sex, women’s rights should also be seen as gender-based – and I agree with them. This view brings feminists like us, also known as gender critics, into conflict with transgender activists and their allies, who believe that gender identity rather than gender determines whether a man or a woman. From a legal point of view, it is fair to say that the protected feature of gender reassignment covers people who are planning a transition, as well as people who have undergone surgery or other treatment. This means that the transgender group of people protected by discrimination under existing UK law is not limited to those who have changed their legal gender. But the gender activist movement (which is not limited to trans people) wants to go further, with a legislative reform widely known as “self-ID” already introduced in some countries, which allows one person to change his legal sex without a diagnosis of sex discomfort (as the sense of anxiety caused by a sense of mismatch between biological sex and gender identity is well known). The establishment of a parliamentary committee in 2016 that the UK government should reform the Gender Recognition Act (GRA) to this end is the basis for the establishment of Woman’s Place UK. But it is important to recognize that the issue is broader than a law. Sex rights activists have also begun to organize in response to the changing reality on the ground, including women service providers, created by a cultural shift towards more transgender people, integrating non-binary and genderqueer individuals go medically. In practical terms, what Women’s Place UK and other groups sought was greater clarity around the provisions of the Equality Act, known as Gender Exceptions. These define when it is legitimate and proportionate to exclude persons with a protected transgender characteristic (trans persons) from same-sex environments, such as sports and shelters. The Committee on Equality and Human Rights issued new guidance on Monday, two years after the UK government announced it would not reform the GRA. Sex rights activists, in other words, have some of what they want (the situation is different in Scotland, where Nicola Sturgeon plans to introduce a law on self-identity). But the bitterness about the treatment of their Labor remains. Shortly before the radio interview that led Serwotka to leave the Labor Party, Nandy, Angela Rayner and Dawn Butler voiced their support for a campaign that described Woman’s Place UK as “transphobic” and called on its supporters to unsubscribe. from the party. Given that neither Rayner nor Nandy have distanced themselves from this view, it remains doubtful whether Labor’s frontbench views sex-based activism as a legitimate or hated activity. The political difficulties surrounding these complex issues are not limited to Labor. The government is also struggling to reconcile allegations of trans-activism with those of sex-based rights advocates. The same goes for the sports authorities. The controversy in recent days over the participation of transgender cyclist Emily Bridges in women’s events and the decision of ministers not to proceed with the proposed ban on transgender conversion practices due to concerns about the growing number of young people with gender dysfunction, shows the policy. But Labor unrest has been particularly acute in recent weeks, with politicians being asked to define the word “woman” and answering questions such as “Can a woman have a penis?” From a legal point of view, the answer is yes, as the Gender Recognition Act has allowed someone to change their gender on their birth certificate without having to undergo surgery. But senior executives have expressed concern that they look ridiculous in the eyes of voters with lengthy answers, and that their plight is easily exploited by both rivals and front-page journalists. A campaign called Respect My Sex was launched over the weekend to address this issue in local elections. What effect this will have is unclear. Lisa Townsend, a conservative police and crime commissioner, recently said that any politician who claims not to have been asked about this by voters is “lying”. Many on the left remain skeptical, insisting that there are other, more important concerns, including heating bill launches and cuts in bonuses. But passions are high on identity issues – and they can easily be rekindled. Rosalind Shorrocks, an academic who studies gender and electoral politics, says trans and gender-based rights are not currently a top priority for voters. “But in an election, if the parties took different positions and made them part of their campaign, there is a chance that it will become important.” Poll data, like everything else in this debate, is questionable. In general, the public shows a strong and encouraging level of support for the principle that people should be able to identify and live as they choose. But in 2020, the majority opposed opposing facilitating gender reassignment for men and the inclusion of trans women in women’s sports. If and when Labor returns to government, some of the policy issues may have been resolved. Women’s Aid last week issued a statement in support of single-sex sites, stressing the need for services for trans people. The new guidance of the Committee on Equality and Human Rights clarifies the position for gender service providers, including the need to take into account the needs of trans people and to balance them with the needs of others. The outcome of several lawsuits filed by feminists who criticize gender and believe that they have been harassed or discriminated against will be significant precedents for employers and others. Many people, including me, believe that there is room for compromise. Somewhat ironically, given the current level of sharpness, Labor policy is currently based on a compromise reached before the 2019 general elections. party for the reform of the law on gender recognition. However, the treatment of the women’s groups by the Labor Party created, in my view, a serious problem. Despite frequent allegations that the issue is “toxic” and Keir Starmer’s calls for a “respectful” debate, the fact is that there is no equivalent on the gender side to the Trans Labor Rights Campaign’s call. for women. deleted from the party or repeated attacks on Labor MP Rosie Duffield. There are no shadow cabinet members mocking LGBTQ + activists as “dinosaurs,” as David Lammy said of sex rights activists. And there are no prominent LGBTQ + service providers barred from joining the Labor Party, such as Karen Ingala Smith, a feminist domestic violence activist in 2020. Serwotka may have left the Labor Party, but a group called Labor Women’s Declaration advocates for gender-based rights within the party and is also involved in cross-party efforts. At present, between 20 and 40 Labor MPs are known to be sympathetic. I hope they can persuade the Labor Party to change its position on women’s rights based on sex. Not just because I agree with them. But because I do not think it would be at all strange that voters turn against politicians who riddle about the differences between male and female bodies – and ridicule the defense of biologically female people as a relic of prehistory.
