He has not committed to employer contributions for salary increases of up to 10 percent and early retirement to 60 for those who have worked for 40 years, as well as an increase in basic pensions. Macron’s camp argues that its extremely costly experiment in economic nationalism would push inflation and debt – to 115% of GDP – higher. At his only mass rally on April 2, Mr Macron warned that the 68 billion-euro manifesto “would destroy moderate savers, collapse their purchasing power and lead to the bankruptcy of their pensions, but no one would work.” We are used to it “. As far as immigration is concerned, its basic elements remain the same. Only French citizens will have access to welfare benefits, while the French will prefer access to social housing and jobs, and the “family reunification” of foreigners with residence permits and automatic citizenship of genital rights will end. In the meantime, migrants who have been unemployed for more than a year will lose their right to reside and illegal immigrants who are considered a security risk or who commit crimes will be deported.
“Smooth speech, radical ideas”
Such policies have led the left-wing Jean Jaurès Institute to conclude that while its rhetoric is “smoother”, its ideas are just as “radical” and should be seen as coming from the far right. This is the line taken by the Macron camp, which speaks of the threat it poses to the French Republic. “The election of Marin Le Pen would be a disaster for this country,” Prime Minister Jean-Castex warned in March. “It makes people believe it has changed. It makes people think it has become more flexible, almost more centered. “But it is a fraud, it has not changed.” Whether the French voters agree remains to be seen. A crucial factor may well be how many are involved. Ms Lepen’s constituency is largely made up of young, less educated and poorer voters who are less likely to come from Macron’s supporters. Polls show that up to a third of French people may not get to the polls.
